
Ivorian Prime Minister, Patrick Achi resigns
The Ivorian Prime Minister, Patrick Achi, resigned. The head of government announced his resignation on Wednesday, April 13 at the start of the Council of Ministers chaired by Head of State …
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The Ivorian Prime Minister, Patrick Achi, resigned. The head of government announced his resignation on Wednesday, April 13 at the start of the Council of Ministers chaired by Head of State …
The Ivorian Prime Minister, Patrick Achi, resigned.
The head of government announced his resignation on Wednesday, April 13 at the start of the Council of Ministers chaired by Head of State Alassane Ouattara at the presidential palace in Abidjan-Plateau.
“I would therefore respectfully submit to you my resignation as Prime Minister, Head of Government, Excellency the President of the Republic. “said Patrick Achi.
He also expressed his gratitude to the Head of State for the opportunity, offered him to work alongside him and “to learn again”.
President Alassane Ouattara accepted the government’s resignation and said he would proceed “next week to appoint a new prime minister who will propose a tighter government.
The Ivorian statesman has been Prime Minister since March 2021. Initially a member of Henri Konan Bédié’s PDCI, he was Minister of Economic Infrastructure between 2000 and 2017 and President of the Regional Council of Mé since 2013
Jihadist attacks in northern Ivory Coast have ramped up hostility towards the Fulani, a mainly Muslim ethnic group that some accuse of providing the bulk of the raiders. Friction and suspicion …
Jihadist attacks in northern Ivory Coast have ramped up hostility towards the Fulani, a mainly Muslim ethnic group that some accuse of providing the bulk of the raiders.
Friction and suspicion are almost palpable in Kafolo, a small town near the border with Burkina Faso where jihadists have struck twice in less than 18 months, killing 16 soldiers.
The army has established a large camp at the entrance to Kafolo and the few visitors are greeted by a watchtower overlooking the dusty trail leading to the town.
In the shade of a great tree, the air fresh and dry in the harmattan wind of the morning, village chief Bamba Tiemoko said the first attack in June 2020 had had dramatic repercussions.
“People were frightened — it was the first time that this had happened to us. People stopped going into the fields or fishing,” he said.
Some villagers said they were still afraid.
“We are always scared but we deal with it,” said Lamissa Traore, president of the region’s youth association. “We try not to stay in the fields too long, to come back before noon.”
“I no longer go into the fields, I’m afraid to come across Peuls,” added Clarisse Siphoho, secretary of a local women’s association, referring to a name by which the Fulani are commonly known.
“Most of those who came and carried out the attacks are Peul. We are wary now.”
– ‘We are very suspicious’ –
In the absence of claims of responsibility for the Kafolo attacks, the Ivorian authorities have said they were the work of foreign nationals.
More locally the language is veiled, but the finger usually gets pointed at Fulani — semi-nomadic herders who are scattered across several countries in West Africa and often cross the porous border with Burkina Faso to graze their oxen in Ivory Coast.
“We have our eyes on them,” acknowledged a regional official who said the public were being urged to alert the authorities if they spotted anything untoward.
“We are very suspicious when a foreigner arrives in the village. We ask questions about his purpose of travel, his destination and we can take him to the soldiers,” Tiemoko, the village chief, confirmed.
After the June 2020 attack, many Fulani who had been part of the community left overnight.
“There used to be a great brotherhood. But after the attack, there were arrests and the Peuls left,” said Tiemoko.
“If they leave, it’s because they blame themselves for something,” he insisted.
“Because of the attacks, they were afraid of reprisals and left the village,” said Siphoho.
– ‘The jihadists have won’ –
One Fulani in Kafolo, going by the pseudonym of Amadou, said he had spent three and a half months in prison in Korhogo, the main city in northern Ivory Coast, because he was suspected of having a link with the attackers.
After being released, he returned to live in the area.
“Here, when people see a Peul passing by on a motorbike in the village, they are afraid and see him as a jihadist,” Amadou said.
He said he was married to an Ivorian woman and did not feel sidelined by the community, although he wondered about the sudden departure of other Fulani.
Were they driven out by the townsfolk?
All those interviewed by AFP in Kafolo insisted that this was not the case, and their version of events was supported by municipal sub-prefect Issouf Dao.
“We welcome the Fulani, they have been here for a very long time,” Dao said. “There’s no problem — but there is mistrust regarding Peuls who we do not know.”
While the strong military presence reassured local people, many deplored the consequences of the attacks, notably for tourism in the region, which has been classified in the red zone by most Western countries, restricting travel to necessary business trips.
In the Sahel to the north of the Ivory Coast, years of jihadist attacks have ravaged the economies of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger.
The Kafolo Safari Lodge, with its 40 rooms and safari opportunities in the nearby Comoe National Park, one of the largest and oldest in the country, has been closed for months.
“People no longer invest, no one sleeps here, not even civil servants passing through the village,” said Paterne Diabate, a villager.
“The jihadists have won this battle,” he complained.
African governments typically hail the discovery of oil and gas as a blessing, but poor villagers in southern Ivory Coast are among those who say it can also be a curse. …
African governments typically hail the discovery of oil and gas as a blessing, but poor villagers in southern Ivory Coast are among those who say it can also be a curse.
On the petroleum-rich coastline of Jacqueville, about 100 kilometres (60 miles) from Ivory Coast’s economic hub of Abidjan, locals say they have yet to benefit from a decades-old bonanza.
Workers are busy setting down a third pipeline, cutting across farms and villages, to help bring gas from offshore rigs to power stations.
But in the village of Addah, found at the end of a bumpy, dusty road, people say they have yet to see any trickle-down from the boom and complain the whole issue is shrouded in secrecy.
“I don’t understand why a village that has an oil rig has no fire station and no secondary school, or why the hospitals don’t have supplies,” said Jean Biatchon N’Drin, 32.
“We don’t see any benefit from oil on our lives. They have been extracting oil since I was born, and I live in poverty,” said Duval Nevry, 27.
“We feel that we have been abandoned — the state has forgotten us,” he said, gazing out to the rigs, visible from the village’s sandy slopes.
Fisherman Justin Dagry Yessoh said fishing yields had been hit by the oil and gas development.
“Fishing hasn’t been profitable since the pipelines came along,” he said.
– Role of state –
Ivory Coast is the world’s biggest supplier of cacao, the precursor of chocolate, accounting for 40 percent of the global market.
But it remains just a small producer of oil, pumping out 36,000 barrels per day in 2019, from a field off Jacqueville that is exploited by several foreign majors.
In 2018, crude production was worth around 500 billion CFA francs ($890 million, 762 million euros), according to a campaign group called the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI).
Much flak has been directed at the Oil and Gas Council, an entity set up in 2008 gathering elected officials and members of the public to help development using petroleum revenue.
Its president, Leon Lobo, said the council had funded the construction of homes, clinics, water towers and schools, for an overall cost of 800 million francs.
But the council depended on the state for funding, he explained.
“We do not get money from the oil companies for our projects,” he said.
Jacqueville’s senator, Francis Lezou Bombro, agreed that state control was a financial chokepoint.
“If you want to help the Jacqueville region (through the energy boom), everything has to go through the state — to the point that if the council wants to give a needle, it has to get state approval.”
Seeking to lure investment, Ivory Coast takes only a small cut of income from foreign majors.
Analysts say the government will be under pressure to demand a bigger share in the light of a recent announcement of a major discovery of offshore oil and gas.
– ‘Social time bomb’ –
“The curse of oil happens when… tax receipts dry up, when the oil sector does not become integrated with the rest of the economy, and when resources derived from oil negatively impact the quality of governance and institutions,” said economist Jean Ette.
Ette, who is also spokesman for a local campaign group called Clean Jacqueville, warned that anger among young people was acute.
“We have to act quickly… to defuse the social time bomb,” he said.
Protests erupted in Jacqueville a number of years ago over perceived failures to benefit from the oil boom. Protestors erected barricades and burned tyres to block the construction of a pipeline.
Lobo, who is leaving the Oil and Gas Council after seven years to enter parliament, where he was recently elected an MP with the governing majority, said he had faith in “negotiating” with oil companies rather than trying to strong-arm them.
“We will get the benefits of oil extraction by peaceful co-existence with the oil companies and placing our trust in the state,” he said. “Oil will not be a curse here.”
Senator Bombro, who is also a member of the governing majority, said, “The ideal thing would be to give Jacqueville a special status, with a special investment budget for the region.”
Millions of people in Ivory Coast on Saturday will cast ballots in a high-stakes election that, until recently, was seen by many as as opportunity to help usher in a new …
Once again, the key figures in the polls are all familiar names, part of the continuous making-and-breaking of alliances that has shaped politics in the country for decades. Six months ago, things seemed different.
In March, Ouattara ended months of speculation regarding whether he would join the league of “third termers” by announcing that Prime Minister Amadou Gon Coulibaly was his chosen successor.
But on July 8, Coulibaly passed away unexpectedly. His death plunged the country into uncertainty, leading to mounting speculation over who would replace him as the flagbearer for the governing Rally of Houphouetists for Democracy and Peace (RDHP) party.
One month later, Ouattara formally announced that he would accept his party’s nomination and run for a controversial third term, describing the decision as a “response to the call of citizens” and a “sacrifice”.
The president says constitutional amendments introduced in 2016 effectively reset the countdown clock on the two-term limit and allow him to run again.
But the opposition and critics insist the move is unconstitutional. The president’s main challengers – Bedie and Affi N’Guessan, have called for a civil disobedience campaign and a boycott of the electoral process, which they allege is rigged in favour of Ouattara. The opposition leaders, however, have yet to announce they are pulling out of the race.
Saturday’s polls are seen as a major test of stability in a country still recovering from months of post-election violence in 2010 and 2011 that killed some 3,000 people.
Over the past 10 years, Ouattara has received many plaudits for the country’s economic successes, including managing skyrocketing growth rates in what is the world’s top cocoa producer and a major finance hub in West Africa. Critics, however, say the economic gains have not been fairly distributed and accuse Ouattara of veering towards authoritarianism.
The opposition has long accused the electoral commission of bias, and there have also been complaints that voter registration has been a costly and time-consuming process for many. As of October 25, the commission said only 41.5 percent of registered voters had collected their voter identification cards.
In mid-September, the council barred 40 aspirant candidates from participating in the polls, including former rebel leader and Prime Minister Guillaume Soro and former President Laurent Gbagbo.
Currently in exile in France, Soro was disqualified after being sentenced to 20 years’ imprisonment in absentia for alleged embezzlement and money laundering. A former ally of the president, Soro recently described his candidacy as “irrevocable” and said there would be no election on October 31, urging other opposition members to “block Ouattara’s candidature”.
Gbagbo, meanwhile, is currently based in Belgium as he awaits the outcome of an appeal against his acquittal by the International Criminal Court on charges of crimes against humanity. His candidacy was rejected due to a 20-year prison sentence in absentia handed down by a court in Ivory Coast in a separate embezzlement case.
In 2010, Gbagbo’s refusal to concede defeat after the electoral commission declared Ouattara the winner of a delayed election led to a brief civil war that saw both sides accused of committing atrocities.
Ten years on, with the memories of the post-election violence still fresh and grievances over the failed efforts at reconciliation and justice coming to the fore, many survivors fear a repeat.
“Some are returning to their villages out of fear and have withdrawn from engaging in any debate regarding the poll,” said Abraham Kouassi, an Abidjan-based journalist who covered the 2010-2011 post-election violence trials. “The atmosphere is tense, people are concerned that the government will enforce an even tougher crackdown after the ballot takes place.”
Already, inter-communal violence has been on the rise in the wake of Ouattara’s announcement that he planned to seek re-election. Some 30 people have been killed so far in pre-election clashes in a number of towns including Daoukro, Divo and Dabou. Many more have been wounded and dozens of others arrested.
Earlier this month, Affi N’Guessan said his home in Bongouanou was burned down during clashes that reportedly also left two people dead.
Last week, United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres expressed concerns over the recent unrest and called on sides to “reject the use of hate speech and the incitement of violence along ethnopolitical lines”.
Despite the rising tensions, some observers say they do not anticipate an escalation to the chaos that engulfed the country 10 years ago.
“Some baseline unrest has always been on the cards,” said Eurasia Group Associate Tochi Eni-Kalu. “However our view is that a repeat of the 2011 crisis is unlikely because the major drivers of the conflict then, included the presence of several well-armed paramilitary groups and dissent within the armed forces, which do not feature in the current context.”
This week, a delegation from the 15-member Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) regional bloc arrived in Ivory Coast and urged the opposition to reconsider its stance on civil disobedience.
“ECOWAS has been seen to engage in situations where there is a clear violation of a member state’s constitution, as was the case in Mali,” said Ryan Cummings, director for political and security risk management consultancy Signal Risk, referring to the bloc’s actions in the wake of a military coup in Bamako in August.
“Otherwise, it has generally been seen to playing a limited mediatory role and is likely to do the same in Ivory Coast.”
Days before the vote, analysts concurred that the chances of the opposition calling off the boycott remain slim.
“The government has clearly failed to reassure the opposition and civil society that the elections will be subject to independent oversight,” said Eni-Kalu.
Meanwhile, Cummings pointed out that that a number of disbarred candidates are in support of the boycott and so would see any change of heart as betrayal, thereby “leaving Ouattara able to secure a comfortable first-round victory”.
Political analyst Nadia Nata agreed: “The boycott won’t affect Ouattara’s chances of winning – but it will affect his credibility and legitimacy particularly if opposition supporters boycott the vote and participation is low.” Africanewsguru update.